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大语堂翻译思想浅释-其英译《浮生六记》中译者主体性及其翻译策略的体现
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对于高中英语课堂沉默的实证的研究.pdf 53页
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摘要这些年来全球化的进程使得中国更加强调了英语教学的发展。在英语课堂上的沉默现象被认为是英语学习课堂参与的一个重要的阻碍因素。但是，本研究发现，认为学生上课保持沉默是一种反感或者不感兴趣的想法太过于简单化，并从某种程度上扭曲了沉默表象下的现实。作者通过观察发现，虽然近些年来中国的英语教学取得了很大的进步，但是沉默在每个教师的课堂上还是非常普遍。在中国的英语课堂上，很多学生倾向于保持沉默即使他们被鼓励和要求积极参与课堂教学。学生的不开口的沉默行为有很多，例如，学生因能力不够，回避和不愿意回答问题等。另外，有人认为沉默行为会导致班级的枯燥氛围，教学的低效率和口语水平差等不良结果。如上所述，本论文对课堂沉默现象进行了研究，通过课堂观察，采访和调查问卷的形式，作者对164名学生和7名英语教师进行了调查研究。调查研究显示英语课堂里经常会出现沉默现象。相应地，作者提出了本研究的两个研究问题：1)在中国高中英语课堂中沉默的现状是怎样的?2)根据调查研究获得的数据，哪些因素导致了英语课堂的沉默现象?本研究采用了批判话语分析分析的视角来对课堂沉默进行了分析。数据的收集大部分是进行的定性分析，有一部分则是对获得的数据的定量分析。通过最初的对数据的转录和反复研读，再到后来得数据分类，作者对课堂的沉默现象进行了分类并对其原因进行了阐述。在数据收集和分析的过程中，通过对老师和学生的观点的同时解读，研究发现课堂中的沉默可以分成两大类：学生的主动沉默现象和学生的“被沉默&现象。产生这些现象的原因作者将其分为了四类：学生本身的因素，教师的因素，社会文化因素和环境因素。进一步的研究表明，学生的主体性在这种沉默中很可能就失去了。在班级中回答问题时出现的高度的“文化认同&现象恰恰反映了学生的批判思维能力的偏低，所以产生了太多的“沉默表示肯定’’的课堂现象。针对发现的以上问题，作者对应的提出了一高一低两个要求。一是要降低任务的冒险度，让学生敢于回答，二是要提高学生的批判思维能力的培养，让他们能从更高维度上思考问题，真正的能有自己的主体性。实现课堂文化的多样性。Ⅳ这些都需要教师和学生的积极努力。教师方面需要做到课堂教学的灵活性和策略性，明白自己是教授的知识而不是书本。而对于学生来讲，他们的文化与陈仁文化的冲突以及他们自身的对自己的主体性的认识都会影响到他们的学习。如上所述，低风险和高要求的教学策略会有效的激发学生的学习兴趣和动机。关键词：高中英语课堂；批判话语分析；沉默VABSTRACTsilentill觚EFLcl嬲sroom11鹪beenid即dfied够ab痂ert0BeillgpriI彻ryideasilentofbeiIlgme龇珞beiIIgstIJden：ts’p枷cip撕on锄d∞MeV锄ents．HoweVer'memetnImdistort喇ec倒or舯tbe证g硫骶stedtI哪oV*siIllpli锣锄dmderl如19也cirsikncein廿leclassroom．删sthesisisstud咄’SilenceinmeEFLd鹪sroomt0删gatecome赋thr01lgllcla豁roomarc164St血IentSobserVation’interview锄dquestiomlai他．Thep枷cip锄_ts锄d7te∞he瑙．F湖ntlle锄alysisofⅡle批collected，阳sea础qLIestionsa陀desiglled鹊f0Uows：iniIlinis廿lestatusofEFLseIliorsch00l1)WllatqVosil锄∞phcnomenonmghCllina?elem舶tst胁渊silen∞sincl嬲s?2)撇眦mepo袖leatlledaIt乱ne蛐takesCDA(criticaldiscourse锄alysiS)pe唧e出Vet0彻【alyze’nh嬲也ef0Uo、池gfmdiIlgs：mIe懿istSi11EFLcl嬲s跏麟．1)Silencc嬲aiIlofthecIllturesiIlseIlioreXistS2)mbe啦sil饥cedpoplll盯y伽mlli曲∞h00l也eclassmomC0nte勰．silencediIldividual3)1kbeirlgofⅡ圮m卸出试izedgr01lps(1&a山丽nc，20lO)0rstlldentexistSiIlⅡleclasscontextS．illtlleEFLcla姻∞10misrelatIedt0Ⅱ圮stud锄ts’lack0fSil∞t4)Stl砌ents’bc吨gthecriticalthinkingabili缈．1kstudyh弱Ⅱ把follo、历Ilgirnplicatio璐：modeison
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15.02 · City, University of LondonAbstractTransitional justice literature has highlighted a negative relationship between enforced disappearances and reconciliation in post-conflict settings. Little attention has been paid to how human rights issues can become stepping-stones to reconciliation. The article explains the transformation of the Cypriot Committee on Missing Persons (CMP) from an inoperative body into a successful humanitarian forum, paving the way for the pro-rapprochement bi-communal grassroots mobilization of the relatives of the missing. By juxtaposing the experience of Cyprus with other societies confronting similar problems, the article shows how the issue of the missing can become a driving force for reconciliation. The findings indicate that a policy delinking humanitarian exhumations from the prospect of a wider political settlement facilitates positive transformation in protracted human rights problems and opens up a window of opportunity to grassroots actors.Discover the world's research13+ million members100+ million publications700k+ research projects
Cooperation and Conflict0(0) 1 –18(C) The Author(s) 2012 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.navDOI: 10.De-linkage processes and grassroots movements
in transitional justiceIosif KovrasAbstractTransitional
literature
highlighted
relationship
enforced disappearances
reconciliation
post-conflict
to how human rights issues can become stepping-stones to reconciliation. The article explains the transformation of the Cypriot Committee on Missing Persons (CMP) from an inoperative body into a successful humanitarian forum, paving the way for the pro-rapprochement bi-communal grassroots mobilization of the relatives of the missing. By juxtaposing the experience of Cyprus with other societies confronting similar problems, the article shows how the issue of the missing can
reconciliation.
delinking humanitarian exhumations from the prospect of a wider political settlement facilitates positive transformation in protracted human rights problems and opens up a window of opportunity to grassroots actors.KeywordsCyprus, enforced disappearances, missing persons, political exhumations, reconciliation, transitional justice, truth recoveryIntroductionSince the 1970s, the phenomenon of enforced disappearances1 and the ensuing demand for truth by relatives have become central features of societies emerging from conflict or authoritarianism. Although in the 1970s the practice was primarily confined to Latin American countries, in recent decades it has become an endemic feature of contempo-rary conflicts (Anderson, 2006). By 2011, more than 50,000 cases in 83 countries had been processed by the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (United
transitional Corresponding author:Iosif Kovras, School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy, Queen’s University Belfast, 21 University Square, Belfast, BT7 1PA, Northern Ireland, UK. Email: ikovras01@qub.ac.ukArticle
Cooperation and Conflict 0(0)justice on the necessity of restoring broken relationships in the aftermath of political violence,
literature
insufficient
relationship between enforced disappearances and reconciliation (Clark, 2010). It is important to focus on the puzzling, yet vital, relationship among enforced disappearances, transi-tional justice and reconciliation. The more intensified the practice of disappearances, the more urgent the call for restoration and reconciliation in the aftermath of conflict. At the same time, the very nature of the crime inhibits the prospect of reconciliation initiatives.But exactly how does the problem of the disappeared/missing affect the prospect of reconciliation in post-conflict settings? Can the demands of the relatives of missing in Lebanon, Georgia (Abkhazia), Kashmir, Sri Lanka and, more recently, Syria and Lybia, to name only a few, be accommodated without endangering the overarching objectives of
settlement,
democratic
consolidation?
to answer these questions, the present analysis examines the transformation of the issue of the missing persons in Cyprus and juxtaposes the Cypriot experience to other similar cases. Briefly stated, the case of Cyprus shows how the management of human rights issues in societies where the conflict remains ‘frozen’ can become the building block of reconciliation.Despite the
political settlement
prevalence
of nationalist
dis-courses in both communities in Cyprus (Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot) (Anastasiou, 2008;
Constantinou,
Hadjipavlou,
remarkable
breakthrough
been achieved in one of the most sensitive issues of the Cyprus problem, namely, the missing persons. Specifically, the Committee on Missing Persons (CMP henceforth), established in
clarifying
Greek-Cypriot
and Turkish-Cypriot missing, remained inoperative for almost 25 years, but a major break-through in 2004 enabled its re-activation. It has since become one of the most successful bi-communal projects on the island. Even more significantly, a bi-communal grassroots association of relatives of the missing, from both sides of the divide, has mobilized to raise
consciousness,
activities
pro-rapprochement/reconciliation agenda.In
explaining this
remarkable transformation in
the face of ongoing tensions,
the analysis focuses on a pair of de-linkages. The decision to delink the issue of missing persons from the prospect of a political settlement was accompanied by a decoupling of
humanitarian
exhumations
to exhume the remains of the missing without raising the issue of legal, moral and politi-cal accountability. Furthermore, de-linkage allowed civil society to play an important role in reconciliation.The article begins by reviewing basic argumentation
on the relationship between the problem of enforced disappearances and the prospect of reconciliation as found in the literature of transitional justice. It then turns to the Cypriot ‘success story’, focus-ing on the reactivation of the CMP and the establishment of a bi-communal association of relatives. Finally, it suggests how the effective management of human rights issues, in this case, the missing, can mitigate the levels of suffering and bolster reconciliation in other parts of the world.
3The missing link in transition justiceThe raison d’être of transitional justice is the restoration of broken social relationships (i.e. reconciliation); in
this approach, the
demands of victims appear at the top of the academic and policy-making agenda. Even so, the literature has been dominated by a nar-row ‘peace v. justice’ debate which has left little space for thinking outside this analytical framework (Rotberg and Thompson, 2000; Snyder and Vinjamuri, 2003[AQ: 1]). Little attention has been paid to the complex relationship between the management of specific human rights problems, most notably the missing, and the prospect of reconciliation.Even those scholars who have tackled the issue see a negative relationship between enforced disappearances
the prospect of
reconciliation
post-conflict
settings, at both individual and political levels (Clark, 2010). It has been argued that at the individual level unresolved trauma prevents closure (Cretoll and La Rosa, 2006: 355–362). As long as relatives
are distressed
the unknown fate of their loved ones, any
reconciliation initiative is doomed to fail because open wounds tend to ‘fester’ (Kiss, 2001: 71). Nor can families bury their relatives according to culturally embedded rituals that facilitate the mourning process. In essence, the relatives of missing persons live in a parallel ‘trauma time’ that inhibits any effort to restore broken relations (Edkins, 2003: xiv)[AQ: 2]. It has also been argued that the perpetuation of this situation prevents victims from being able to ‘accept and acknowledge the suffering of others’ (Clark, 2010: 432). As long as empathy constitutes a precondition of reconciliation, pending human rights issues – espe-cially the missing – prevent reconciliation (Blaaw and Lahteemaki, 2002).The literature has also argued that the issue of the missing impedes reconciliation at the political level. Following the predominant view in transitional justice literature that ‘revealing is healing’ (Bloomfield, 2003), in the absence of truth recovery as to the fate of the missing, it is impossible to convince members of society that there has been a clean
prerequisite
reconciliation.
psychology
resolution
constructs
as ‘moral beacons’ who justify inflicting harm on opponents seen as responsible for the crimes (Bar-Tal, 2003; Smyth, 2007: 76). Alternatively put, because missing persons and dead bodies have significant symbolic capital, the problem is frequently hijacked for nationalistic purposes. The institutionalization of this culture of victimhood, which turns missing persons into symbols of the ongoing suffering of society, prevents recon-ciliation (Kovras and Loizides, 2011).Even so, in certain cases and against all odds, positive transformation is achieved. Consider, for example, the instructive story of the Cypriot CMP mentioned above and the ensuing grassroots mobilization. A main weakness of the literature is its temporal and analytical focus reserved exclusively for policies implemented during or immedi-ately after the transition. The majority of the analyses merely describe the strengths and limitations of specific transitional justice tools or explain why certain societies adopt specific tools (i.e. truth commissions vs. trials) (Backer, 2009: 50). It is not coincidence that the lion’s share of critical attention has been reserved for a small number of cases where transitional justice is implemented with a relative degree of success (i.e. South Africa, Yugoslavia, etc.) (Kovras, in press). Little notice has been taken of cases where transitional justice is absent, such as in Cyprus. The descriptive nature of the literature
Cooperation and Conflict 0(0)is reflected in its static picture of missing persons and its failure to account for positive transformations. This leaves out how positive transformation frequently occurs even in the
an official
transitional
this picture
humanitarian
‘evidentiary’
of official
transitional
mechanisms,
international
and Shigekane, ).By studying the occasional, yet puzzling, transformation of sensitive and intractable human rights problems into building blocks of reconciliation, as in Cyprus, academics and
policy-makers
innovative
Resolving sensitive human rights issues that carry enormous symbolic capital can pave the way for meaningful reconciliation in frozen conflicts, as in Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Kashmir and Lebanon.Research designTo investigate the effective transformation of the problem of missing persons in Cyprus, the article uses the ‘least likely’ case study research design (Gerring, 2007; Loizides, 2011). In Eckstein’s model (1975), a critical case is ‘least’ or ‘most’ likely to fulfil theo-retical predictions. Cyprus constitutes a critical case study in that it demonstrates the effective
resolution
intractable
likely’ conditions
of protracted conflict and
the absence of an official transitional justice policy. Although an EU member, Cyprus is divided internally in a frozen conflict. To explain
successful
transformation,
tracing approach (King et al., 1994; Van Evera, 1997: 65). An advantage of process tracing is that it does not require the whole history of the Cyprus probl rather, it looks to criti-cal historical junctures where explanations challenge conventional wisdom and hypoth-eses of the literature, in this case, the transformation of the case of the missing.To follow the process of this remarkable transformation, the article draws on primary and secondary resources. It looks to parliamentary debates from the Cyprus House of Representatives, including classified material from the designated committee on missing persons, memos prepared for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and documents published by grassroots organizations. It makes use of more than 40 interviews with political elites, members of the
parliamentary
missing, senior
policy-makers
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, members of the CMP and leading members of associations of relatives from both sides of the divide.2 Interviews with individuals with privileged information can greatly benefit the process tracing by shedding light on the decisions of key actors at critical historical junctures.Linking strategyTo this point, transitional justice literature has not substantially considered how to incor-porate
negotiations.
Negotiation theory
alternative
approaches
political issues. On the one hand, under certain circumstances it is better to link all issues being negotiated
settlement
comprehensively
5(Bazerman and Neale, 1993: 16). According to this integrative view, different issues can be linked in innovative ways
participants
(Loizides, 2013)[AQ: 3]. In essence, participants can make concessions on issues of secondary importance in exchange for return
concessions
them more vital issues (Lohman,
and Antoniades
have proposed
linkage strategy
incentives
Greek-Cypriot
territorial
readjustments,
naturalization
and Turkey’s EU accession.However, ‘cross-issue’ linkage can often lead to a deadlock in negotiations. Frequently, in adversarial relationships, ‘negotiation over a specific issue tends to be enmeshed in the wider web of the bilateral relationship’ and the ‘solution of one problem comes to depend on the solution of one or more other problems’ (Martin, 2002: 57). An illustrative exam-ple is the debacle over the status of Jerusalem in the Middle East. More generally, issues of
territorial
become entangled in broader political considerations and obstruct comprehensive agreement.Under these circumstances, mediators de-link issues assumed to be interlocked in an effort
multifaceted
components
sticking points
De-linkage
strategies have proved successful in bilateral cooperation on environmental issues, territorial dis-putes and international treaties. A good example of de-linkage of environmental issues from peace negotiations is the ‘Indus Waters Treaty’ signed in 1960 between India and Pakistan under the auspices of the World Bank. The Treaty secures a form of distribution of
water between
(Ali, 2008).
cooperation
untied the Kashmir dispute from the problem of water allocation and has worked quite efficiently. The Treaty has become the strongest link of bilateral cooperation, and water distribution continued
171). Another
interesting
example of decoupling
the return of Sinai
Egypt during the Camp
David negotiations. The
Sinai question was
the West Bank and the wider Palestinian question (Vasquez and Valeriano, 2008); at the same
its future
remilitarization (Loizides, 2013). Such an approach has the advantage of ‘reducing the number of actors needed to reach an agreement’, while simultaneously ‘not holding the solution hostage to the most hardline group’ (Loizides, 2013: 205). The case of the missing persons con-stitutes
interesting
successful
de-linkage
resolve human rights issues during transitions.Cyprus: The limitations of a linkage strategyDuring the two waves of violence in Cyprus, the inter-communal violence () and the subsequent Turkish invasion (1974), almost 2,000 Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots
went missing
of disappearances
was deployed by both communities
to ‘purify’ the island of the
presence of the Other and fulfil
objectives.
Turkish-Cypriots
were abducted, executed and buried in remote areas by Greek-Cypriot extremists in an effort to
intimidate
Turkish-Cypriot
much-desired
Cooperation and Conflict 0(0)(unification) with Greece (Patrick, 1976)[AQ: 4]. Then, in the summer of 1974, the invading Turkish army with the collaboration of Turkish-Cypriot paramilitaries used this instrument to promote their political objective of Taksim (partition).Over the decades, for both societies the problem of the missing has become a ‘chosen wound’ (Volkan, 1997: 49). Paul Sant Cassia notes:The case of the missing has been used as a mirror of the barbarism of the Other, as a means whereby each side has constructed an image of victimhood for dubious propaganda purposes and a justification of the maintenance of an unyielding stance in negotiations. ()The symbolic and emotional salience of the problem makes it a particularly attractive issue to be linked to the wider Cyprus problem (Kovras and Loizides, 2011).Accordingly, in the immediate aftermath of the 1974 invasion, a long-term political and legal strategy was drawn up by the Greek-Cypriot leadership. The strategy had two overlapping objectives: the protection of the sovereignty of the RoC as the only legiti-mate actor on the island, and the politicization of legal decisions in international forums to put pressure on Turkey to withdraw its troops. It assumed that legal instruments on human rights abuses, primus inter pares the case of missing persons, would be the most efficient weapon to battle a politically and militarily more powerful foe (Interview 1). This
rights violations, including the missing. A good example is a 2003 judgment of the Supreme Court which rules that the issue of the missing constitutes an ‘act of the government’, making it a ‘political act’ not subject to any review by the judiciary (Kyriakou, 2008).3 In
‘linked’
political problem.Although it could be argued that in political and diplomatic terms the RoC benefited from this strategy, by the early 1990s certain politicians and well-informed observers were challenging its ability to resolve the human rights problems. On the one hand, the repeated
resolutions
Commission
of Human Rights failed to trigger any radical measures to marginalize Turkey in the inter-national
occupation
force Ankara
to withdraw its troops from Cyprus (Diez and Tocci, 2009; Heraclides, 2010[AQ:
5]; Joseph,
Trimikliniotis,
significantly,
minimally improved the human rights of refugees, the enclaved and the relatives of the missing. The CMP, for example, was formally established in a bi-communal agreement in 1981 under the auspices of the United Nations General Assembly (United Nations, 1981). But despite the rigorous involvement of international institutions and massive public support for
the missing,
the problem
CMP were fettered
by political considerations (Kovras and Loizides, 2011; Yakinthou, 2008). By the mid-1990s, it was generally understood that the linkage strategy needed a major overhaul.De-linkage: Success story amidst political failureIn the late 1990s, a proactive group of officials at the RoC Ministry of Foreign Affairs made a unilateral decision to de-link this humanitarian issue from the prospect of politi-cal settlement – departing from
7Foreign Affairs Ioannis Kasoulides stressed: ‘The missing
persons problem should
be resolved before the solution of the Cyprus problem, and if possible independently of it, in
(Pan-Cyprian
Organization
of Missing Persons, 2006: 15). Interviews with the Minister, policy-makers at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot political
journalists
and members of grassroots groups, backed up by parliamentary debates and policy memos, reveal that by the mid-1990s a major revision was underway (Interviews 2, 3, 4). The resulting policy combined de-linkage with ‘truth and transparency’ and sought to solve cases under the jurisdiction of the RoC (Interview 5).A direct result of this revised policy was the landmark decision to proceed to exhu-mations in two cemeteries4 in the part of Nicosia under RoC jurisdiction, where it was believed that a number of Greek-Cypriot missing persons were hurriedly buried in the aftermath
considered missing. These revelations led
Greek-Cypriot citizens for negligence (Anastasiou, 2008: 149).The 1999 exhumations marked a starting point, according to an official (Interview 6). Lists
Greek-Cypriot
and Turkish-Cypriot
missing persons were published in the Gazette. For the first time, the same provisions applied for Turkish-Cypriot and Greek-Cypriot citizens.5 Then, starting in 2000, an intense effort to collect
and genetic
samples from
relatives of
Turkish-Cypriot missing
in Cyprus and abroad – set out to establish a genetic bank to facilitate DNA identification (Interview 6). The policy was so well-designed and carefully enacted that even after the change in government in 2003 it continued to be implemented.Following
unprecedented
initiatives,
reactivated
2004. Surprisingly, given its extremely slow start, it has become one of the most successful bi-communal projects on the island. By 2011, 798 bodies had been exhumed and 300 identified by the CMP (CMP, 2011).6 In a 2007 poll, 92% of Greek-Cypriots and 74% of
Turkish-Cypriots
island (UNFICYP, 2007). The fruitful cooperation between Greek and Turkish-Cypriot scien-tists in the CMP,7 along with the resolution of one of the most intractable issues of the Cyprus conflict – the missing – lend credence to the argument that these processes have the
construction
rapprochement
and reconciliation (Yakinthou, 2008).A number of things made this remarkable volte face possible. First, the passage of time, while not causally determinant, changed the normative context of decision-mak-ing at the executive level of all major actors involved. The broadening of the interna-tional normative/legal framework on enforced disappearances led to ground-breaking legal
missing. The
international
more normative considerations (global justice, humanitarian intervention and retributive jus-tice), highlighting the need for positive actions to bring about justice (Lutz and Sikkink, 2001). A significant breakthrough was the domestication of international human rights norms through binding decisions by international (judicial and political) bodies and the
socialization
(Finnemore
Sikkink, 1998). Besides, personal interviews
with policy-makers revealed that
the successful implementation of this delinkage strategy in other countries served as a role model for domestic change
(Beissinger,
significantly
Cooperation and Conflict 0(0)along with altered priorities in Turkish foreign policy (Grigoriadis, 2009), the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) made a landmark decision on 10 May 2001 directly related to the missing persons in Cyprus.8 The Court found Turkey responsible for the violation of Article 2 (right to life) of the European Convention, judging that Turkish authorities failed to conduct ‘effective investigation into the whereabouts and the fate of Greek-Cypriot missing persons who disappeared in life-threatening circumstances’ (par 136) (Hoffmeister, 2002). Equally significant was the decision on the Varnava v. Turkey case, where Turkey was held responsible for the creation and perpetuation of the problem.9These legally binding decisions should also be seen as part of a wider change in the normative context of enforced disappearances. First, the 2006 ‘International Convention for
Protection
Disappearance’
constitutes
major breakthrough because it recognizes the inalienable ‘right to truth’ (Scovazzi and Citroni, 2007). This clearly facilitated delinking the
humanitarian
issue from a wider political settlement. Interestingly, all parties involved, including Turkey, were convinced of the need to participate in the CMP (Loizides and Kovras, in press)[AQ: 6].10Second, there had been path-breaking developments in forensic science. For example, the method of DNA identification of human remains enabled the delinkage of exhuma-tions from truth recovery. Before this time, any exhumation was inextricably linked to the testimony (truth recovery) of a human witne this entailed some sort of legal or moral responsibility which acted to prevent exhumations. However, advancements in DNA test-ing enabled ‘humanitarian exhumations’, that is, exhumations with the objective of iden-tifying and returning remains to relatives without legal proceedings (Blau and Skinner, 2009: 9)[AQ: 7]. In the case of the missing persons in Cyprus, some perpetrators were still alive and would be understandably
reluctant to participate in a process leading to their prosecution. To overcome this problem, the CMP was established on the premise of ‘de facto immunity’
for those providing information. A
decision by
RoC Attorney General guaranteed that any person providing any sort of information to the CMP would not be legally or politically liable (Solomonidou, 2010). There would be no attribution of responsibility for the disappearance, and the cause of death would not be revealed.11By the early 2000s, all actors involved, Greek-Cypriots, Turkish-Cypriots and Turkey had a vested interest in re-activating the CMP. Greek-Cypriots pioneered the policy that paved the way for its resumption, while the need for strategic adaptation guided Turkey to comply – at least partly – to ECtHR decisions, ordering it to conduct investigations into
Greek-Cypriot
(Hoffmeister,
remains reluctant to open its military archives of the turbulent summer of 1974 that would set the stage for a comprehensive truth recovery for (Greek-Cypriot) missing persons. For their part, Turkish-Cypriot families saw the revised policy as a unique opportunity to unearth, identify
and bury their relatives. Helped by the mobilization of
civil society over the Annan plan, all groups put bottom-up political pressure on their leaders.Relatives across the dividePerhaps
unexpected
de-linkage
bi-communal
9pro-rapprochement profile
transcends the
divide.12 This
of crucial importance in the promotion of Cypriot truth recovery, since its primary objectives are to challenge the predominant hegemonic discourse seen as perpetuating the de facto partition of the island and to promote a more inclusive narrative of the past.Deploying the tools of ‘contentious politics’ (Tarrow, 1998) and taking advantage of a change in the ‘political opportunity structure’, a grassroots movement with a truth-seeking profile emerged in Cyprus. In the literature, the emergence of grassroots actors is explained by changes in the political opportunity structure (McAdam et al., 2001). Political
opportunities,
institutions
that facilitate or constrain political actors’ collective action (Tarrow and Tilly, 2007: 44). Signals sent by state institutions to social or political actors may encourage or discour-age them from mobilizing (Tarrow, 1998). Because grassroots actors generally lack the necessary resources
to mobilize,
possibility of
successful
mobilization
increases when political opportunities
change. The literature isolates six such
opportunities:
a multiplicity
independent
or openness to new acto the stability or instability of current political alignm the availability of influential allies; the extent to which a regime
represses or facilitates collective claim-mak and changes in these properties (Kriesi, 2004; Tarrow, 1998: 76–80; Tarrow and Tilly, 2007: 440).The first and most obvious change in Cyprus was the official adoption of the de-linkage policy. By the late 1990s the issue of the missing was such a well-entrenched feature of the ‘Cyprus problem’ that only the authorities on both sides of the divide and Ankara had a say in the resolution of the problem. Any effort by civil society to demand the truth and cooperate with the relatives of the ‘Other’ would have been rejected as treacherous (Kovras and Loizides, 2011). When the RoC de-linked this policy in the late
de-politicized
rights terms. The official reframing of the problem legitimized – even encouraged – grass-roots actors (who had remained silent for a remarkably long period) to mobilize and demand
the truth.
In contentious politics terms, the
regime abandoned its
long-term policy of ‘discouraging’ grassroots’ activi by adopting this de-linkage strategy, it ‘facilitated’ collective claim making (Tarrow, 1996: 53)[AQ: 8].Broader
communities
2000s have been cataclysmic in facilitating change. For a significant portion of the population, the frustration at the failure of 2004 Annan (reunification) plan was turned into an oppor-tunity
grassroots
(Interview
A Turkish-Cypriot lawyer handling some of the most important cases of relatives of the missing and a member of ‘Turkish-Cypriot Human Rights’, a local NGO, identified the mobilization for the Annan plan as a stepping stone in the bid to put the issue of human rights centre stage:We started after the referendum. Basically we were all pro-Annan and we were pro-Yes, and we were
pro-changing
leadership .
doesn’t matter
solution, we
must implement human rights to the best of our ability within our area . . . it’s not an excuse the non-solution. So this was our mission as an NGO. (Interview 8)
Cooperation and Conflict 0(0)Civil society learned tactical and policy lessons from the failure of the Annan plan, nota-bly that the political discourse on both sides of the divide was so well entrenched that it had to be challenged from the grassroots.Another overlapping change in the opportunity structure was the coming into power on both sides of the divide of moderate leftist leaders: Mehmet Ali Talat and Demitris Christofias. As the literature suggests, the availability of ‘influential political allies’ can lead to successful mobilization. Traditionally, the island’s left-wing parties were vocal advocates of bi-communal grassroots initiatives, especially when these were related to their
persecution
Papadakis,
1993). Leftist parties on both sides of the divide were sympathetic to addressing the past.Another important
abrupt decision
Turkish-Cypriot leader
Rauf Denkta? to open the checkpoints in 2003. These had divided the island for more than 30 years. The ‘open checkpoints’ policy created an unprecedented opportunity for relatives of missing persons to build an effective organization structure, meet and exchange ideas regularly
collaborative
(Interview
Deprivation
access, restricted communication and limited exchange of ideas with the ‘essential’ ally on the other side of the divide had previously prohibited these activities.At the same
time, several vocal bi-communal
grassroots initiatives, most of
which shared
orientation
(pro-reconciliation
reunification)
in overlapping areas, including the recovery of historical memory (Trimikliniotis, 2007).13Finally,
Turkish-Cypriot
leadership.14
This greatly
facilitated
bi-communal
had been dragging his feet in negotiations seeking to solve the problem.15Apart
‘external’
opportunity
structure,
literature notes the ability of actors to create opportunities for themselves (Tarrow, 1996: 58). In Cyprus,
of departure
the bi-communal
platform was its
reaction to
the ethnic monopoly of suffering which had hitherto prevented victims’ groups from being independent agents able to manage their own suffering. More specifically, the members of the bi-communal
initiative
were disappointed with the official organizations of the relatives of the missing, as each ignored the needs of relatives in the other community (Kovras and Loizides, 2011). Both communities showed a lack of self-reflection, refus-ing to take responsibility for past violence and failing to criticize or exclude extremists, thus undermining peaceful coexistence and reconciliation. In a bid to rectify the situa-tion, the bi-communal initiative decided to open a forum of debate on the common pain-ful past and its effect on future coexistence. In other words, it created its own opportunity structure.In symbolic terms, the decision to mobilize on the issue of the missing as a means of dealing with the past is critical. McEvoy and Conway say: ‘The question of who “owns” the dead is not simply a question of the exclusive exercise of authority over the remains but is inextricably linked to the notion of “who” owns the past’ (McEvoy and Conway, ). The ‘coordinator’ of the bi-communal platform clearly agrees:A growing number of people has started to realize that all these years the relatives have been exploited for political reasons [. . .] These persons realize that they have the same problem and that
separately
the conclusion that ‘we have the same problem!’ (Interview 7)
11In tactical terms, the platform carefully avoids any provocation that could endanger the process of exhumations and the progress of the CMP. Sevgül Uluda?, a constitutive member of the initiative and a proactive investigative journalist, stresses the importance of moderate
objectives, such as abstaining from
ascribing individual responsibility, to avoid
frightening
truth-recovery
process.16
Turkish-Cypriot
is working because grassroots people are giving us information and if we start dealing with punishment, these people are not going to give us any more information’ (Interview 10).Paradoxically, victimhood became an instrument to contradict the two presumptions upon which the practice of enforced disappearances is based, namely the negation of the existence
impossibility
coexistence
2009; Kelman, 1999). Suffering became the common thread linking the two grassroots com-munities, thereby legitimizing the public expression of grief by the ‘Other’. The platform has become one of the most significant pro-reconciliation forces on the island, contra-dicting the literature and the past experience of the Cyprus conflict.De-linkage lessonsWhat lessons can be drawn from the instructive story of the CMP and the transforma-tion
bi-communal
promoting reconciliation?
disappearances
effectively
elsewhere, becoming
reconciliation
Azerbaijan
(Nagorno-Karabakh), Georgia
(Abkhazia),
sensitive human rights issues, especially when open wounds preoccupy a sizeable segment of society, such as the problem of the disappeared and missing, delinkage from political settlement constitutes an efficient policy alternative.The
experience
transitional
policy-makers in dealing with similar problems in other parts of the world. The literatures of transitional justice and conflict resolution do not consider the conditions under which it is better to tie victims’ rights to an overall settlement or to treat human rights issues separately. As
transitional
literature
exclu-sively on the period following transition and subtly links any potential solution to the wider political settlement. In reality, however, emotional, symbolic and identity issues, such as the problem of missing persons, are often hijacked by hardliners who drag their feet and prevent solutions. Untying human rights issues from political negotiations – or even transitional justice policies -- can depoliticize debates and pave the way for the mobilization of vocal domestic pro-truth seeking actors.In cases of disappeared/missing persons, official de-linkage could benefit from a con-comitant
decoupling
humanitarian
exhumations
recovery. With DNA, science now offers a credible way of separating the process of identification of human remains
testimony. Previously, human
only means to locate and identify victims buried in common graves. This deterred witnesses from collaborating, since their participation would have initiated legal proceedings and made them targets for reprisal. For example, in Northern Ireland, the identification of the location of the graves of 13 persons who went missing during the ‘Troubles’ (mainly the
was handicapped
unwillingness
to provide
information
Cooperation and Conflict 0(0)(McDonald, 2007). But new forensic techniques allow de-linkage of truth recovery from
they can be conducted independently of the perpetrators, and no one with inside information needs to testify – or to fear reprisal. In ‘humanitarian exhumations’ the objective is merely to unearth and return the remains to relatives. There is no attribu-tion of blame: cause of death is not mentioned, and there are no criminal proceedings. In Bosnia, the ICMP has exhumed almost two-thirds of the approximately 30,000 missing in the 1990 Balkan wars (ICMP, 2011), precisely because exhumations are carried out primarily
humanitarian
Humanitarian
exhumations
pro-longed silences and enable ‘post-transitional justice’ (Kovras, in press). For example, in Spain, the generation of the grandchildren of the desaparecidos of the civil war success-fully mobilized around the demand to exhume and identify the victims who had been lying in mass graves for almost 70 years (Kovras, in press).In Cyprus, a decision by the Attorney General states that all persons providing infor-mation to the CMP will be immune from prosecution; the same provision is found in the terms of engagement of the CMP. Perpetrators are appeased, and witnesses have incen-tive to provide information, thereby easing the tension between the relatives’ demands for a decent burial and the perpetrators’ fear of legal repercussions. This solution has the potential to assist in other frozen conflicts facing the problem of missing persons, such as Kashmir and Lebanon (Jaquemet, 2009).The de-linkage strategy has the potential to provide an early solution to humanitarian problems
legitimize
democratization
constitute essential elements to reconciliation. The experiences of societies with prolonged legacies of
disappeared/missing
Georgia, Abkhazia,
an early solution might promote trust for the ‘Other’, avoid unnecessary poisoning of (inter)communal
circumstances
confidence-building measure to facilitate an overall political solution (Cretoll and La Rosa, 2006). In post-conflict settings, early accommodation of the most significant human rights problems – even if this means amnesty or impunity for the perpetrators – diminishes the possibility of societal mobilization that might inhibit the achievement of other pressing objectives (economic development, reconstruction, democratic consolidation) and promotes trust in the nascent regime.17 Similarly, an early solution pulls the rug out from under nationalist politicians who usurp sensitive humanitarian issues to bolster nationalism and promote a culture of victimhood.Last, but definitely not least, a de-linkage policy implemented by the political elites creates a unique opportunity for civil society actors to play a vital role in overcoming a central human rights problem in post-conflict societies, namely, a lack of communica-tion when the ‘Other’ is not officially recognized and/or the in-group claims to have a monopoly on suffering. In Georgia (Abkhazia), for example, ‘each side has a missing persons
commission,
governments’,
never communicate (International Committee of the Red Cross, 2007: 13). A prolonged lack of contact exacerbates negative stereotypes that prevent genuine dialogue. Therefore, establishing and maintaining venues of communication is critical to success even in the absence
a political
settlement; hardliners cannot control information or
the problem according to their own interests. For example, for several decades, the official
13organizations
the issue of the missing persons, pursuing an agenda that silenced the relatives of missing in the other community.ConclusionThe article considers the transformation of the Cypriot CMP and the establishment of a vocal pro-rapprochement bi-communal initiative of relatives despite the lack of a politi-cal settlement. It points to the de-linkage of the human rights problem of the missing from the larger political negotiations, something enabled by new scientific discoveries whereby victims can be exhumed and identified without raising issues of legal, moral or
accountability.
de-linkage
opportunities
grassroots actors to participate in public debates of humanitarian issues. In essence, it depoliticizes humanitarian
facilitating
establishment
communication. Frequent contact with victims on the other side allows grassroots groups to frame their problems
discourse,
contribute
democratization
and increase the prospects of reconciliation. The delayed success story of Cyprus shows how symbolic issues of the missing can promote post-conflict reconciliation.Even when a policy of de-linkage is implemented, the process of truth recovery and reconciliation is not linear. Acknowledgment of the past in the form of exhumations and identification of the disappeared does not necessarily indicate the end of the pro-cess. In certain cases, those responsible for the crimes remain power in this event, demands should be formulated in such a way as to avoid threatening these people while creating
truth-seeking
this logic,
objectives should be
moderate –
as abstaining from ascribing individual responsibility – to avoid frightening people from speaking out, as this could endanger the truth-recovery process. However, in a later stage, once democratic institutions are well established, punitive measures and more formal policies of truth-seeking may be implemented.The quest for truth recovery is gradual and fragile. As Gunter Grass indicates in his recent controversial memoir about his involvement in the Waffen SS, ‘memory is like an onion that wishes to be peeled so we can read what is laid bare letter by letter’ (Grass, 2008: 3). Grass says: ‘The onion has many skins ... peeled it renews
chopped, it
only during peeling does it speak the truth’ (Grass, 2008: 4).FundingThis research received no
specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.[AQ: 9]AcknowledgmentsI
Heraclides,
Katia Andronikidou, Christalla Yakinthou, Nikolas Kyriakou, Elizabeth Thompson and the reviewers for their insightful comments on previous drafts of this article.
Cooperation and Conflict 0(0)Notes
Disappearances, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross, are ‘those who are unaccounted for as a result of armed conflict, whether international or internal. They might
information
or whereabouts’.
The interviews were based on a snowball sampling selection. The specific method facilitates the process tracing approach (Tansey, ).
Specifically, the decision was based on Law 17(I)/93, entitled ‘Law on the direct supervision by the President of the Republic of matters relating to missing, displaced and affected per-sons’, which provides that the President shall have direct supervision on every affair relating to, inter alia, missing persons (Kyriakou, 2008: 4). Subsequently, issues relevant to missing persons are not under the scrutiny of the Supreme Court since the handling of the issue of missing persons constitutes part of the Cyprus Problem and falls into the control of political power, thereby linking human rights issues to political negotiations.
These include the military cemetery of Lakatamia and the cemeteries of Konstantinou and Elenis.
Despite the de facto partition of the island, the RoC considers the Turkish-Cypriots residing in the North as citizens of the Republic. This derives from the official RoC argument that the Northern part of
island is under
occupation,
even Turkish-Cypriots suffer Turkish occupation. Still, in the revision of the RoC official policy, the problem of the missing was framed as exclusively Greek-Cypriot, excluding Turkish-Cypriot relatives (see Kovras and Loizides, 2011).
Of the 300 identified persons, 239 are Greek-Cypriots and 61 are Turkish-Cypriots.
bi-communal
Greek-Cypriot
and Turkish-Cypriot scientists (geneticists, forensic anthropologists, archaeologists).
Intern-State
Application
2001. Application no. 25781/94. This was preceded by inter-state applications in 1976, 1983 and 1999 (nos. 50/ 75, 781/ 94).
(application
16068/90, 070/90, 16071/90, 16072/90 and 16073/90). The judgment was published on 10 January 2008.10.
In its official line of defence in the Varnava case, Ankara abandoned its intransigence, arguing that by cooperating in CMP activities Turkey had met her human rights obligations.This argu-ment was thrown out by the ECtHR as the CMP ‘does not provide procedures sufficient to meet the standard of an effective investigation required by Article 2’ (para. 131).11.
The provision of immunity has not yet been legislated. As these terms appear only in a direc-tive from the Attorney General, some relatives may lodge lawsuits in the future based on this gap in legality.12.
‘Bi-Communal
Initiative
and other Victims of War’.13.
An example is the ‘Association for the Historical Dialogue and Research’.14.
For the majority of Turkish-Cypriots, the Annan plan constituted a unique chance to disen-gage from dependence on Turkey, gaining access to the benefits of the EU – since the Annan plan linked reunification with the accession of Cyprus to the EU – and increasing the island’s security. Denkta?’s monopoly on power for several decades in the Turkish-Cypriot community was seen as an insurmountable obstacle to
the achievement of these
objectives. Hence, an unprecedented mobilization of the majority of the Turkish-Cypriot community in support of the moderate Mehmet Ali Talat led to the ousting of the rejectionist Denkta?.
persistent
Greek-Cypriots considered ‘missing’ had died in the intra-communal violence that accompa-nied the coup in July 1974. This was the permanent justification of the non-cooperative stance of the Turkish-Cypriot side in the CMP. Therefore the emergence of a new moderate Turkish-Cypriot leader facilitated the negotiations on the resumption of the CMP in 2004.16.
She describes this process as ‘peeling an onion’.17.
because of
intransigence
in returning
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Turkish-Cypriot member to the CMP, Nicosia, 16 July 2008.Author BiographyDr. Iosif Kovras received his PhD from Queen’s University, Belfast. His research inter-ests
truth-recovery
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transitional
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published/forthcoming
Comparative
and Nationalism, Electoral
Ethnopolitics,
Society, African
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CitationsCitations3ReferencesReferences84Greek Cypriots have won a number of relevant legal decisions at the European Court of Human R however, these decisions alone could not secure progress for the issue of the missing. Policymakers who have realized the limitations of their current policies subsequently sought alternatives elsewhere in new arrangements that allowed de-linkage between the political and humanitarian aspects of the Cypriot question (Kovras, 2012 ). Although the distinction between humanitarian and political issues may seem problematic in post-conflict societies where human rights issues are heavily politicized, it is analytically important to highlight its policy significance. ABSTRACT: The article examines why a comprehensive settlement to resolve the Cyprus problem
has yet to be reached despite the existence of a positive incentive structure and the proactive
involvement of regional and international organizations, including the European Union and the
United Nations. To address this question, evidence from critical turning points in foreign policy
decision-making in Turkey, Greece and the two communities in Cyprus is drawn on. The role of
hegemonic political discourses is emphasized, and it is argued that the latter have prevented an
accurate evaluation of incentives that could have set the stage for a constructive settlement.
However, despite the political debacle in the Cypriot negotiations, success stories have emerged,
such as the reactivation of the Committee for Missing Persons (CMP), a defunct body for almost
25 years, to become the most successful bi-communal project following Cyprus’s EU accession.
Contradictory evidence in the Cypriot peace process is evaluated and policy lessons to be learned
from the CMP ‘success story’ are identified Full-text · Article · Oct 2012 ABSTRACT: Tellidis, Ioannis. (2012) The End of the Liberal Peace? Post‐Liberal Peace vs. Post‐Liberal States. International Studies Review, doi: 10.1111/j...x Full-text · Article · Sep 2012 Article · Jun 2014 · International Studies ReviewProjectKieran McEvoy[...]Sally wheelerThis is an ESRC-funded project shedding light on the nexus between policies of accountability and learning from past policy failures in countries emerging from economic crisis.
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